Sunday, 1 August 2021

On the 88th Foundation Day of the RCPI

     On this 88th foundation day of our party, we, the Revolutionary Communists, pay our tribute to all the foot-soldiers of the socialist revolution who have been working under the banner of the RCPI selflessly for the establishment of socialism. Many of our comrades have also lost their lives in their struggle for communism. We pay our sincere homage to those martyrs. The party has experienced many ups and downs throughout these decades.

     The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the impotence of the capitalist system in providing free medical facilities to the people. With the increase in the number of positive cases, private hospitals have enormously maximised their profits. They are even selling vaccines. It exposes the nature of capitalism that capitalism commodifies even the primal needs of the people.

     It is more than necessary to replace this system with socialism. We invite the people of India to join our party en masse to fight for the establishment of socialism. The days of capitalism are numbered. It must be overthrown for the greater interest of the people. The revolution that has to take place now is a socialist revolution. The teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky and our party's founder members will inspire us to accomplish our historical task.

Long Live the Revolution!

Long Live the Revolutionary Communist Party of India!

Sunday, 2 May 2021

Comrade Diptabhanu Mitra is no more

Comrade Diptabhanu Mitra is no more. He succumbed to COVID-19 yesterday. He was a member of the Central Committee of the RCPI. It is indeed a great loss to our party. He was one of the most studious comrades we have ever had. His revolutionary ideas and knowledge that he shared with us will always inspire us. He will be alive in our struggles.



We pay our deep condolences to his family. Red Salute to Comrade Diptabhanu Mitra. কমরেড দিপ্তভানু মিত্রকে লাল সেলাম।

Saturday, 1 May 2021

Greetings to the Workers of the World on their day!

          The Revolutionary Communist Party of India salutes the working class of the world on their historic day. The international working class has already identified its class enemies. Therefore, being the only genuinely revolutionary class, it has to overthrow the ruling elites and establish a dictatorship of the proletariat. The class struggle has already begun. The world proletariat must march forward to establish a classless society. It must remember that its aim is World Socialism.
Revolutionary Greetings to the workers of the world!
Workers of the world, unite!

Thursday, 22 April 2021

Commemorating Comrade Lenin on his birth anniversary

April is a significant month for all Marxist-Leninists. Firstly, because Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, popularly known as Comrade Lenin, was born this month in 1870. And secondly, because his April Theses were published this month.

Marx and Engels, of course, played a vital role in creating the international workers’ movement. They were the greatest theoreticians of the world socialist movement. But Lenin, along with his intellect, was also a dedicated builder of the revolutionary party. It was Lenin, after all, who made a socialist revolution possible in Russia.

Lenin in 1917 (Source: Marxists Internet Archive)

A Socialist Revolutionary

In early 1917, while a majority of the Bolshevik leaders, in Lenin’s words, “the Old Bolsheviks”, were in favour of the provisional government led by Kerensky, Lenin’s appeal was to overthrow it. Although Russia was at that time a backward country, it was never Lenin’s opinion that the revolution had to be led by the bourgeoisie. Following Marx and Engels, Lenin recognised the proletariat as the genuinely revolutionary class. He appealed to the people of Russia and the Bolsheviks several times to overthrow this Provisional Government. He expressed his ideas in his Letters from Afar. Out of the five letters written by him, only the first was published by Pravda. The second, third and fourth were not published. And the fifth letter was left unfinished by Lenin himself. The basic ideas that Lenin wanted to express through these letters were later written in his Letters on Tactics, April Theses and The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution.

What Lenin talked about in these letters was that another revolution was needed to overthrow the Provisional Government enthroned by the February Revolution. And the revolution that Lenin and Trotsky were planning now was a socialist one. This contrasts with the Menshevik idea of a two-stage revolution, which was later adopted by Stalin.

Lenin writes in his The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky:
“Things have turned out just as we said they would. The course taken by the revolution has confirmed the correctness of our reasoning. First, with the “whole” of the peasantry against the monarchy, against the landlords, against the medieval regime (and to that extent, the revolution remains bourgeois, bourgeois-democratic). Then, with the poor peasants, with the semi-proletarians, with all the exploited, against capitalism, including the rural rich, the kulaks, the profiteers, and to that extent the revolution becomes a socialist one. To attempt to raise an artificial Chinese Wall between the first and second, to separate them by anything else than the degree of preparedness of the proletariat and the degree of its unity with the poor peasants, means monstrously to distort Marxism, to vulgarize it, to substitute liberalism in its place.”

Lenin’s words are strictly in opposition to the two-stage theory that was later adopted by the Third International after Lenin and under Stalin. The two-stage theory, contrary to Leninism, says that at first there has to be a bourgeois revolution in alliance with the bourgeoisie, and then, a socialist revolution (if possible). The Stalinist two-stage theory thus brings a “Chinese Wall” between the bourgeois and socialist revolutions which Lenin had warned us against. But revolutionary Leninism says that the unfinished tasks of the bourgeois revolution must be completed by the socialist revolution alone.

Lenin in November 1918 (Source: Marxists Internet Archive)

The Significance of his April Theses

It was Lenin’s April Theses that changed the course of the Russian Revolution. Initially, the Bolsheviks were in support of the Provisional Government. However, after Lenin arrived in Russia from exile and his announcement of his April Theses, the Bolsheviks were forced to withdraw their support from the government. In his Theses, Lenin raised 10 points:

1. That “without overthrowing capital it is impossible to end the war [World War I] by a truly democratic peace”. Lenin had said the same thing in his lecture War and Revolution: “Until there is a workers’ revolution in several countries the war cannot be stopped, because the people who want that war are still in power.”

2. That Russia is “passing from the first stage of the revolution—which, owing to the insufficient class-consciousness and organisation of the proletariat, placed power in the hands of the bourgeoisie—to its second stage, which must place power in the hands of the proletariat and the poorest sections of the peasants.” Here, Lenin emphasises the point that the first stage of the revolution, i.e. placing the power in the hands of the bourgeoisie, was only a result of “insufficient class-consciousness and organisation of the proletariat”, and hence, not a compulsory stage of the revolution.

3. “No support for the Provisional Government.”

4. That instead of tailing the bourgeois Provisional Government, the Bolsheviks, being in the minority, should “carry on the work of criticising and exposing errors” of the government, and “preach the necessity of transferring the entire state power to the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies”.

5. That the Bolsheviks should fight for “a republic of Soviets of Workers’, Agricultural Labourers’ and Peasants’ Deputies throughout the country”, and that “to return to a parliamentary republic from the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies would be a retrograde step”. Lenin also called for the abolition of the police, the army and the bureaucracy, and demanded that the salaries of all officials should not exceed the average wage of a competent worker. At the same time, he also mentioned that these officials are elective and displaceable at any time.

6. “Nationalisation of all lands in the country, the land to be disposed of by the local Soviets of Agricultural Labourers’ and Peasants’ Deputies.”

7. “The immediate union of all banks in the country into a single national bank, and the institution of control over it by the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies.”

8. That socialism could not be introduced immediately, but social production and the distribution of products should be brought under the control of the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies.

9. Then he emphasises some of the party tasks: (A) Immediate convocation of a Party congress; (B) Alteration of the Party Programme, mainly: (i) On the question of imperialism and the imperialist war, (ii) On the attitude towards the state and the demand for a “commune state”; (iii) Amendment of our out-of-date minimum programme; (C) Change of the Party’s name, resulting in the change of the party name from “Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks)” to “Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)” in 1918.

10. A new International. This led to the foundation of the Communist International in March 1919, which was disbanded by Stalin in 1943 to impress his bourgeois allies.

Lenin in August 1922 (Source: Marxists Internet Archive)

A World-Socialist Revolutionary: An Avowed Internationalist

Never could Lenin imagine that socialism can be built or survive in one country. Several times did he emphasise the need for a world socialist revolution to strengthen the socialist revolution of Russia. The October Revolution was nothing but the beginning of the world socialist revolution, according to Lenin.

On  July 23, 1918, Lenin said: “Aware of the isolation of its revolution, the Russian proletariat clearly realises that an essential condition and prime requisite for its victory is the united action of the workers of the whole world, or of several capitalistically advanced countries.” (Report Delivered at a Moscow Gubernia Conference of Factory Committees, July 23, 1918)

On November 8, 1918, he said: “The complete victory of the socialist revolution in one country alone is inconceivable and demands the most active co-operation of at least several advanced countries, which do not include Russia.” (Speech On The International Situation at the Extraordinary Sixth All-Russia Congress Of Soviets Of Workers’, Peasants’, Cossacks’and Red Army Deputies, November 6-9, 1918)

In late February 1922, Lenin wrote: “[W]e have always urged and reiterated the elementary truth of Marxism—that the joint efforts of the workers of several advanced countries are needed for the victory of socialism.” (Notes of a Publicist)

Lenin could never recognise the possibility of the socialist revolution in Russia without the joint efforts of the workers of the advanced countries. This is why he emphasised the world socialist revolution several times. Socialism is something that cannot be confined to one single country, particularly in a country like Russia.

Of course, Marxism is nothing without internationalism. Marx and Engels urged the workers of the world—not those of some selected countries—to unite. Lenin, therefore, could not give up the idea of emancipation of the workers of the world. This is why he founded the Third International or the Communist International. By founding the new international, he wanted to spread the revolution of Russia throughout the world. He said on the foundation of the new International: “[T]he world revolution is beginning and growing in intensity everywhere.”

Just because Lenin had recognised the need for the internationalisation of the socialist revolution, he was expecting a revolution in Germany. Emphasising the importance of a socialist revolution in Germany, Lenin said in March 1918, “[W]ithout a German revolution we are doomed. ... [I]f the German revolution does not come, we are doomed.” It was of course not Lenin’s underestimation of the proletariat of Russia, but a practical outlook to safeguard the socialist revolution in Russia. Such was Lenin’s internationalism. He never had high expectations from the country where he made a revolution. Rather he analysed the situation dialectically.

He had previously talked about sacrificing even the revolution of Russia for the German revolution: “If we believe that the German movement can develop immediately, in the event of an interruption of the peace negotiations, then we must sacrifice ourselves, for the German revolution will have a force much greater than ours.” Such was the internationalism of Comrade Lenin.

On this 151st birth anniversary of Comrade V.I. Lenin, we, the revolutionary communists, commemorate his revolutionary legacy. May his revolutionary ideas inspire the people to revolutionise the world.

Sunday, 31 January 2021

Commemorating Bishnu Prasad Rava, a Marxist Guerrilla

 

Bishnu Prasad Rava
(January 31, 1909—June 20, 1969)

When India, on 15th August 1947, was celebrating the day, Comrade Bishnu Prasad Rava, along with his comrades with black flags in their hands, chanted, “Ye Azadi Jhoothi Hai!” (“This freedom is a fake one.”), as the freedom achieved was only an agreement between the British bourgeoisie and the Indian bourgeoisie, only a transfer of power from the former to the latter. The Revolutionary Communist Party of India (RCPI) was aware of the agreement between the two, the treachery of the Indian bourgeoisie that used the Indian masses to serve their purpose. Bishnu Prasad Rava, along with the other comrades of the party, did not permit themselves to be fooled by the Indian bourgeoisie and declared the independence to be a fake one. Comrade Rava said, “I am fighting for a revolution from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom.” The party did not consider that the freedom achieved in 1947 was for the working class but the Indian bourgeoisie.

On the 15th day of August 1947, rallies we taken out with the slogans of “Jai Hind” and “Vande Mataram”. The RCPI, at the same time, in different parts of Assam, took out rallies with the slogan of “Ye Azadi Jhoothi Hai!” Many of our comrades were beaten by the people who were celebrating the day, mistaking the transfer of power for independence. But the RCPI did not consider it to be a real independence in the Marxist sense.

In the same year, the RCPI and Krishak Banua Panchayat (KBP—the peasants and workers’ wing of the party), headed by Comrade BP Rava, tried to organise the workers of factories and tea garden labourers. The tea garden labourers, under the leadership of Comrades Mohanlal Mukherjee and Upen Das, held strikes in places like Ledo and Margherita (Assam).

In December 1948, the Central Conference of the party was held at Birbhum (West Bengal). Comrade Pannalal Dasgupta’s thesis was accepted in that conference. A decision was taken in that conference to begin an armed struggle against the Indian bourgeoisie and their representative—the Indian Government, and their state. The conference concluded that the independence that India had got was merely an agreement between the British bourgeoisie and the Indian bourgeoisie. India was still a “democratic-colony” of the British Empire. India was independent, but only politically, not economically. The means of production were more or less still in the hands of the British Empire. The working class of India was exploited jointly by the British bourgeoisie and the Indian bourgeoisie. Although the bourgeois-democratic revolution in India had not been completed, it could not be left to be completed by the Indian bourgeoisie. There was, and still is, a need for a socialist revolution in India, that can complete the unfinished tasks of the bourgeois revolution. In short, the conference called for a socialist revolution in India, with the proletariat as the leader and the peasantry as the led. As a result, the Revolutionary Communist Party of India was banned.

However, Comrade Saumyendranath Tagore was against this decision. Since India had just achieved freedom from British Imperialism, it was not the right time to wage an armed struggle against the Indian government as the people were unable to distinguish this freedom from the freedom from capitalism.

The RCPI then waged an armed struggle against the Indian bourgeoisie and the bourgeois state. It struggled for local seizure of power in different regions of the country. The struggle was at its strongest peak in Assam. In Assam, it raised slogans like “Land to the Tiller”.

Comrade Rava had joined the KBP in 1945. In 1949, he joined the RCPI. It can be metaphorically said that Bishnu Prasad Rava had a STEN gun in his one hand, and a pen in the other. He did not only fight against the ruling capitalists and feudal lords, but also inspired the masses with his revolutionary poems, songs and stories. He could explain the problems prevailing in the society to the general public in a simple and comprehensive language from a Marxist perspective. He roamed like a vagabond from village to village. Anyone who caught him would be awarded with an amount of ten thousand rupees.

In 1949, the Assam Police printed out and distributed photos of several comrades throughout the province.

In July 1949, Gopinath Bordoloi, the then Chief Minister of Assam, wrote to Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India:

“The communist activities … have taken a shape of exciting the more ignorant section of the people of this province (and they are many) into acts of violence against the constituted authority, under some plea or other and in a few places they have been successful. But all of them have been put down. The evil however does not seem to vanish so long as the agents are there to work from underground. But what makes the task of Government difficult is that although the intelligence reports reveal that these underground lawbreakers are doing this thing in this place and that thing in another, few if ever any action is found to be taken either for preventing their mischief as is being committed or in apprehending these underground culprits.”


However, this revolutionary is addressed by only a few as Sainik Silpi (sainik “soldier”, silpi “artist”). Most of the people honour him as Kalaguru (the master of the arts). This might be a result of the attempt of the ruling classes to portray him merely as an artist rather than a Marxist revolutionary artist. The society, under the influence of the ruling classes, that considers communism as a taboo, does not want to glorify the revolutionary part of Comrade Rava. This is why Comrade Gyan Singh sarcastically comments, “Bishnu Rava is good, but communist Bishnu Rava is bad.” An analysis of Comrade Rava is the need of the hour. He, along with his revolutionary legacy, must be popularised amongst the masses. An analysis of how the idealist Rava became Comrade Rava will fascinate the people. In the words of Hemanga Biswas, Marxism “has brought completeness and depth like an ocean to his restless and unstable artistic life.” Bishnu Prasad Rava was an artist who could use his artistic talents for the cause of the working people. The way he simplified the ideas of socialism through his songs and poems is worth appreciating.

Let the people decide whether his struggle was for or against them. The legend of Rava must inspire the youth to build a society without exploitation. The ruling classes must not be allowed to use Rava for their interests. As Dr Hiren Gohain says, “Now it is time to examine the life cycle of Bishnu Rava. Keeping analysis aside, getting carried away by emotions will benefit those who want to create a Rava cult to achieve their narrow horizons.”

Saturday, 28 November 2020

Commemorating Friedrich Engels on his 200th Birth Anniversary

    Friedrich Engels, the person who with Karl Marx revolutionised human thought, completes 200 years today. He was, in the words of Lenin, “the finest scholar and teacher of the modern proletariat” after Marx. Engels, along with Marx, devoted his entire life for a common cause and gifted the world proletariat a tool to establish a classless society, free from exploitation of man by man.

Friedrich Engels, 1840

    Engels was in service of his fathers firm, based in Manchester. There, he observed the condition of the working class. The condition of the working class tempted Engels, not towards greed, as an heir of his fathers firm, but towards hatred for capitalism, and his quest of a system that would replace it. It led to his authoring of The Condition of the Working Class in England, his first book, which was, as Lenin puts it, a terrible indictment of capitalism and the bourgeoisie. In this book, Engels mentions a prolonged period of wage-stagnation of the workers. It is the period that is referred to as “Engels’ Pause by the economic historian Robert C. Allen. Engels also describes the health condition of the working class. Compared to the countryside, the working class living in the highly developed cities like Manchester and Liverpool were worse affected by diseases. Such conditions of the working class made him determined to find an alternative to the capitalist system. He became convinced that the salvation of the working class lies only in scientific socialism or communism.

    What would a communist society look like? What are the class forces that would fight to establish such a society? What will happen to the other existing classes? And what will happen to the state? Engels attempts to answer all these questions.

    In June, 1847, Engels wrote his Draft of the Communist Confession of Faith for the Communist League. Later, in October-November 1847, he wrote Principles of Communism. A comparison between these draft programmes of the Communist League shows the development of the ideas of Engels.

    On 23-34 November, 1847, Engels wrote to Marx: 

Give a little thought to the Confession of Faith. I think we would do best to abandon the catechetical form and call the thing Communist Manifesto. Since a certain amount of history has to be narrated in it, the form hitherto adopted is quite unsuitable. I shall be bringing with me the one from here, which I did [in Principles of Communism]; it is in simple narrative form, but wretchedly worded, in a tearing hurry. I start off by asking: What is communism? and then straight on to the proletariat – the history of its origins, how it differs from earlier workers, development of the antithesis between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, crises, conclusions.

    It was the beginning of Marx and Engels’ Communist Manifesto, that cut the ground under the feet of the exploiters. They published the Manifesto in late February 1848. Engels and Marx wanted a new system, i.e. communism. One thing is clear: Engels was always ready to amend his ideas for the sake of the emancipation of mankind. It suggests that he had a flexible mind, in the sense that he did not hesitate to revisit his own ideas, and a fixed purpose, i.e. to establish a society free from exploitation.

    Dialectics of Nature is one of his greatest gifts to the Marxist philosophy. His essay The Part played by Labour in the Transition from Ape to Man analyses the evolution of human beings from a dialectical materialist perspective. It shows how materialist conditions have contributed to the evolution of human beings from apes. Engels claimed, as it reflects in the title, that labour played a role in the transition from ape to human. It is labour that forced the apes to use their forelimbs. This led to the development of hands. The human hand, in the words of Engels, has been highly perfected by hundreds of thousands of years of labour.” He said, “the hand is not only the organ of labour, it is also the product of labour.” With the development of hands, our ancestors engaged in communal labour, which further necessitated language. With labour, they developed tools and learnt how to use them. Labour and language, thus, influenced the brain of the ape in developing into what it is today.

    However, at the same time, it is labour that paved the way for exploitation. The increase of production demanded labour. It gave rise to the origin of private property and opened the possibility of slavery. Engels, in his The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, showed how the human society had developed through the ages, how the family had originated, how private property had originated and paved the way for the first forms of exploitation, from a materialist perspective. This book was written after the demise of Karl Marx. It provided “a slight substitute” for what Marx no longer had the time to doThe Origin also deals with the state, which was created by the first exploiters to keep the slaves bounded. According to Engels: 

“The state ... is a product of society at a certain stage of development; it is the admission that this society has become entangled in an insoluble contradiction with itself, that it has split into irreconcilable antagonisms which it is powerless to dispel. But in order that these antagonisms, these classes with conflicting economic interests, might not consume themselves and society in fruitless struggle, it became necessary to have a power, seemingly standing above society, that would alleviate the conflict and keep it within the bounds of order’; and this power, arisen out of society but placing itself above it, and alienating itself more and more from it, is the state.”

    Marx and Engels concluded that all forms of exploitation will disappear with the disappearance of classes. It can happen only if the means of production are possessed communally. It will be a classless society, where no exploiter will exist. This is what is called communism. Since the state was created in favour of the exploiters, with their disappearance, the state will disappear too. Engels, in a letter to August Bebel, writes about the disappearance of the state: with the introduction of the socialist order of society, the state will dissolve of itself and disappear.” The confiscation of state power by the proletariat makes the state an organisation of the proletariat. Capital and the means of production within the state will no longer remain a private property, but will belong to the state, which will be in the hands of the proletariat. As Marx and Engels write in Communist Manifesto:

“The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the state, i.e., of the proletariat organised as the ruling class.”

    Thus, capturing of the state will be the beginning of the world proletarian revolution. The state in the hands of the proletariat, in the words of Marx, will be “the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat”.

    Another of the most valuable gifts by Engels to the world proletariat is his Herr Eugen Dührings Revolution in Science, popularly known as Anti-Dühring. This book has three parts, namely Philosophy, Political Economy and Socialism. This book is a detailed description of the idea of Marxism. A part of this book was later published as Socialism: Utopian and ScientificMoreover, Engels has done a great favour to the world proletariat by publishing the second and third volumes of Marx’s Capital. There are many such writings of Engels, some of which were written collaboratively with Marx.

Engels, 1893

    Engels was a communist, not of words, but deeds. In early 1846, he, along with Marx, set up the Communist Correspondence Committee in Brussels. They joined the League of the Just in early 1847, on the condition of acceptance of their ideas. In June, Engels took part in a Congress of it, which tasked him with drafting a programme. The name of the League was changed to the Communist League. On Marx and Engels’ suggestion, the Congress also adopted the motto “Working Men of All Countries, Unite!” Engels also took part in the Elberfeld uprising in May 1849.

    In October 1870, Engels was elected to the General Council of the First International. In May 1871, Marx and Engels organised workers’ demonstrations in support of the Paris Commune, gave recommendations to the communards and campaigned in defence of the commune.

    Engels immensely helped Marx financially in publishing his writings. He also aided his family. Had Engels not agreed with Marx and supported him financially, the world would not have been introduced to the revolutionary ideas of the latter directly.

    Even today, Engels is amongst us – not physically, but in the form of his revolutionary ideas. Although it was Engels who coined the term Marxism after Marx, we must not forget the former’s contribution to the science. The revolutionary party must deliver the teachings of Engels to the proletariat, and guide it, so that it can struggle to achieve scientific socialism.

    Engels left the world on 5th August 1895 and left his ideas for the world proletariat. His revolutionary thought still inspires the workers of the world to achieve world socialism. Let us arm the workers and youth with the revolutionary ideas of Friedrich Engels.

Sunday, 22 November 2020

The RCPI extends its solidarity to the nationwide protests on 26th November, 2020

        Narendra Modi, to please his capitalist friends and imperialists, has taken several steps in their favour.  Privatisation of railways, airports, oil fields, shares of LIC, etc. and the negligence of PSUs by the government suggests that it is serving the narrow interests of the capitalists only. Such rapid privatisation will in no way benefit the workers but ruin them. 
        Narendra Modi is a tool not only of the Indian bourgeoisie but also of the imperialists of the world. His Make in India is nothing but the continuation of the neoliberal policies that pave the way for the imperialist bourgeoisie into the Indian economy. It is now more than clear that Modi's speeches against FDI before his coming to power were nothing but demagogy.
        Introduction of the Farm Bills, Industrial Relations Code, Draft Environmental Impact Assessment (2020), National Education Policy (2020), etc. are in favour of the bourgeoisie as a whole. The entire working class must unite, irrespective of their affiliations to any political party, keeping in mind that these policies are only favourable to the bourgeoisie. They must understand that any political party that supports capitalism can agree with these policies. Therefore, the working class must recognise its class enemy, i.e. the bourgeoisie as a whole. The working class must understand they will continue facing such problems throughout their lifetime until and unless capitalism is overthrown; changing merely the government will not work anyhow. However, they must carry on their struggle, without letting themselves to be misled by reformists.
        The Revolutionary Communist Party of India extends its full support and solidarity to the nationwide protests called by trade unions on 26th November, 2020 against such anti-people policies. The party will stand with them in the streets on that very day.